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🗓️ 10 February 2025
⏱️ 41 minutes
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As the news of Russian mobilisation and Germany's Kriegsgefahr spread across Europe, urgent telegrams followed.
Whether in London, Berlin, or Paris, the picture was becoming clearer, but that did not mean contemporaries were content to allow the march to war. The Tsar had burned his bridges in Berlin, as the disgusted Germans scoffed at his decision to mobilise while requesting their mediation. Could he not understand that it was a provocation to prepare his entire army on their borders? Could Britain not see that Austria could give no concessions, and that this would not have made a difference anyway? Could the French not appreciate that necessity demanded she be neutralised first?
It was not cold hearted aggression or a lust for world conquest that spurred the German government forward, but the immediate threat to her security, and the worrying sign that no powers outside of her immediate alliance appeared to be listening to her anymore. Although Berlin had been honest about her intentions since Russia's step was learned of, still, somehow, the impression had set in that Germany was to blame. Grey had not given up hope, but his underlings were not enthusiastic about the prospects. In Berlin, apprehension had given way to a sense of relief. Russian mobilisation was official - surely this removed all questions of who was at fault? They had not sought the war, but if it was to be fought, these were the best possible circumstances. With a stirring sense of justice on their side, the German peacemakers took a step back, as the crisis entered its final phase.
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0:00.0 | In summer 1914, the world went to war. |
0:04.6 | Now 110 years later, we go back to those figures, to those debates, to those questions, |
0:12.2 | in the greatest failure in the history of diplomacy. |
0:16.3 | I am Dr. Zach Twomley. You're listening to When Diplomacy Fails. |
1:01.6 | And this is the July crisis. Later at 5pm, Air Crow came to see me and told me that Germany had given Russia 12 hours to demobilize. Germany was going to mobilize tonight, followed by France, and we were |
1:07.5 | doing nothing. An awful day. |
1:17.8 | Britain's director of military operations, Sir Henry Wilson, writes in his diary, 31st of July 1914. |
1:30.1 | In Berlin, the signals that war was only hours away had never been so strong. |
1:36.5 | The Kriegs Gaffar had been implemented and the Kaiser had presented the new phase in the crisis to enthusiastic crowds assembled below the balcony of his palace. |
1:41.0 | But as darkly fascinating as these public steps towards the First World War were, |
1:46.5 | those steps made in private were equally fascinating. The information blackout on Russian |
1:52.3 | mobilization undermined Austrian and German efforts to appear like the rational, defending |
1:57.9 | power. But by the end of the 31st, all members of the Entente would be up to date. |
2:03.8 | Unfortunately, for any well-meaning mediators, by the time they had a fuller grasp of the situation, |
2:10.0 | Germany's ultimatums to France and Russia were close to expiring. |
2:13.8 | By 1pm on 1st of August, France would have to give its answer to Germany's request for neutrality. |
2:20.3 | Few in Berlin expected anything else than a declaration of Allied solidarity, and German military |
2:26.7 | planning had accounted for this by identifying Belgium as the best way through. |
2:32.0 | The Belgian element was growing in importance and the Germans were |
2:35.4 | increasingly placed on the spot by British requests for guarantees. We should not forget that because |
2:41.2 | the Germans had only one plan for dealing with their enemies, this lack of options in the military |
2:46.4 | sphere impacted their options in diplomacy too. The pressing needs to fulfill the tenets of the Schlefen |
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