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The framework of social determinants of health has really been largely appropriated as a kind of

sanitized equity mission, where the mission is actually to center equity by depoliticizing

inequality, which is why I think ultimately this is, you know, the social

determinants of health, even though in a way this is the WHO's primary mission, right?

This is like in their goal, this towards bettering the collective health of the world.

We can never expect an organization like the WHO to solve, you know, the negative social determinants of health

because these profound attempts to make social determinants of health apolitical, you know,

they make the message more palatable maybe, but, you know, ultimately it's just hiding the way

the world truly is. And there's nothing that we can do to actually address the sort of

structural drivers of slow death and sickness and suffering and illness and inequality if we refuse

to admit that these things are actually real and that they're driven by real dynamics,

political economic ones that go way beyond the kind of framework that we like to

approach public health or medicine and science as this kind of neutral playing ground that's

beyond politics in some kind of way. Yeah, I think a lot of what you're saying and a lot of what

Phil is saying just about kind of like the structure of doing science is so

important here because, you know, it's fine. It's fine. In fact, I think it's encouraged at this point,

you know, to write grants and to do work that are engaging, you know, with the social determinants

of health. But what you can't do, you know, what's not allowed is to attach

any kind of normative significance to what those social determinants mean. You know what I mean?

So it's fine to just document inequalities or as we say in public health, you know, euphemistically,

disparities. It's fine to catalog health disparities by, you know, euphemistically, disparities. It's fine to catalog health disparities by,

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