Should Progressive Organizers Lean More on the Church?
The Political Scene | The New Yorker
The New Yorker
4.2 • 3.3K Ratings
🗓️ 22 January 2026
⏱️ 46 minutes
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Summary
The New Yorker staff writer Jay Caspian Kang joins Tyler Foggatt to discuss the role the church has played in sustaining protest movements—and whether effective political dissent in the United States is possible without involvement from religious institutions. They talk about how churches have historically provided moral authority, infrastructure, and community to movements for social change, why those qualities have been difficult to replicate in the age of social media and mass protest, and what is lost when dissent becomes sporadic or primarily digital. They also examine whether churches still have the widespread credibility and organizing capacity to anchor protest today, and what it would take for religious institutions to once again embrace a central place in modern political life.
This week’s reading:
- “Can American Churches Lead a Protest Movement Under Trump?,” by Jay Caspian Kang
- “Inside Bari Weiss’s Hostile Takeover of CBS News,” by Clare Malone
- “An Unhappy Anniversary: Trump’s Year in Office,” by Amy Davidson Sorkin
- “The Overlooked Deaths of the Attack on Venezuela,” by Oriana van Praag
- “Why Trump Supports Protesters in Tehran but Not in Minneapolis,” by Benjamin Wallace-Wells
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| 0:00.0 | Hey, Jay. |
| 0:07.1 | Hey, how's it going? |
| 0:08.2 | I'm good. How are you? |
| 0:09.3 | Good. |
| 0:10.0 | So you've written a couple pieces lately about the state of political protest and dissent. |
| 0:16.0 | And I'm curious what, in your opinion, is the most recent example of a, like, successful, effective or sustaining political protest in the United States. |
| 0:27.7 | Yeah, I guess I could think of two examples, one on the left and one on the right. |
| 0:31.3 | The first on the right would be the anti-abortion movement, right, which started small and almost like obscure in terms of small |
| 0:38.8 | Catholic organizers, mostly who mostly laughed at and thought as very marginal and then grew |
| 0:45.2 | and, you know, sort of won a, they won a large Supreme Court decision that they would always |
| 0:50.1 | wanted recently. The second is the gay marriage movement, right, which became, took a |
| 0:57.5 | synthesis of a lot of the gay rights movements that had been existing before and then put it under |
| 1:02.2 | one political goal, right, and then normalized everything through activism, advocacy, influencing |
| 1:08.5 | politicians, and then obviously now we have gay marriage, you know, |
| 1:13.7 | every state in the country. Why those two examples? I mean, is it because it's a clear example of, |
| 1:19.3 | you know, there's something that starts on the ground, and then there is a policy change that |
| 1:23.9 | happens through, you know, legal and political machinery? Like, is that kind of how we're |
| 1:28.2 | defining effective here? Yeah, I think so. I mean, I think that if you look at something like |
| 1:33.6 | Black Lives Matter, which started, I guess if you trace it all the way back, it starts with, you know, |
| 1:38.9 | before Mike Brown, and then goes all the way to 2020 with George Floyd. |
| 1:44.8 | But if you look at what happened after 2020, |
| 1:47.8 | which was just a lot of, I guess, chaotic organizing and big, big marches |
... |
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