Putin - did we help create a war criminal?
Moral Maze
BBC
4.4 • 623 Ratings
🗓️ 3 March 2022
⏱️ 43 minutes
🧾️ Download transcript
Summary
We don't know how the Ukrainian conflict will end. But how did it begin? The responsibility for the Ukraine conflict lies squarely with Vladimir Putin - described by some as cunning and crazy by others - this is his war. But was there a chance to prevent it? Would he have done this if the West behaved differently after the collapse of the Soviet Union when the new Ukraine was born? In these last decades, Russia built up its military strength while the European democracies made every effort to disarm. NATO might have trained Ukrainian troops and sent supplies right up to the invasion, but it repeatedly said it wouldn’t get directly involved. And now we have sanctions that could take years to act. Are the democracies weak? Or is despotism always doomed to fail in the end?
What happens if, as seems likely, Putin takes Kyiv and installs a puppet regime. There will be a Resistance and our own Prime Minister is committed to helping it. How far should we go with that – food and medicine, of course, but will we potentially fund fighters who, to us, will be patriots but to the Kremlin will be terrorists? Russia is already waging “hybrid war” against the democratic nations. Should we try to beat Putin at his own game of cyber-attacks and deniable operations? To defeat a monster, must we become monstrous ourselves? With Alan Mendoza, Director of the right leaning think tank, The Henry Jackson Society; Political Scientist Yascha Mounk; Former MI6 officer Christopher Steele and Professor Janina Dill who researches the role of law and morality in International Relations.
Produced by Olive Clancy
Transcript
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| 0:00.0 | BBC Sounds, music, radio, podcasts. |
| 0:04.9 | Good evening, a week on from the start of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, and there's a nagging |
| 0:09.5 | feeling around that we spent the last 30 years in a fool's paradise, thinking history had |
| 0:14.5 | ended, or at least that the collapse of the Soviet Union meant that Western liberal |
| 0:18.5 | capitalist democracy had finally triumphed and a world fashioned |
| 0:22.3 | in our image was inevitable. Some see our weakness, even decadence, paving the way for Russian |
| 0:28.9 | revengeism. They point to democracy and retreat in the developing world, outnumbered by |
| 0:34.2 | autocracies for the first time since the turn of the century. |
| 0:42.6 | They note that on the very day the Russians invaded, it was reported our security services were being told to check their white privilege and stop using words like manpower in order to be |
| 0:48.7 | more inclusive. MI6 fiddling with culture wars as real war broke out in Europe. |
| 0:55.0 | Others see it entirely differently. |
| 0:56.9 | They see our freedoms, our preoccupation with individual rights, our ability to pick and |
| 1:01.4 | choose our leaders, as strength, not weakness. |
| 1:04.3 | Not just morally superior, but so obviously a better way of living, it's bound to outlast |
| 1:09.3 | the aberrant despotisms of the day, |
| 1:11.6 | however heavily armed. |
| 1:13.5 | Who's right? |
| 1:14.7 | The blame belongs to Putin, but did we, by commission or omission, play a part? |
| 1:20.1 | How do we balance realism and principle in responding? |
| 1:23.5 | And how dirty should we let our hands get in trying to stop him? |
| 1:27.0 | That's our moral maize tonight, |
| 1:28.6 | the panel, Melanie Phillips, social commentator at the Times, Mona Siddiqui, Professor of Islamic |
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