Originally, he's just explicitly racist, right?

So the infamous 1957 National Review editorial that he writes literally advocates depriving black people of the vote.

It says the white southerness must prevail.

Even if there's a black majority, it is acceptable to override that majority to preserve white culture

and white supremacy. That's his position in 1957. Now, all of his defenders go, oh, but he

evolved, he evolved, he evolved. Well, he evolved because that position in 1967 became appalling.

Even George Wallace, actually, stopped saying, like, he evolved as people like George Wallace, as people like Strom Thurmond evolved.

And that was also his brand, right? His brand is, I'm reasonable. And so when racism is reasonable, he's fine with it. And then he'll move to, you know, there obviously were still elements of the conservative movement that were virulently racist, but his move is, well, I'm not radical.

I just believe that the urban communities need heavier policing.

Yeah. Law and Order. Right. He moved to law and order. And he still said all these horrifying things, right? He still said, you know,

why are we, why do we focus on the police beating the civil rights demonstrators? And we

never talk about how the civil rights demonstrators provoke the police, right? He ran for

mayor of New York in 1965, and his main issues were like, there was some

suggestion that he wanted to force people who are on welfare to leave New York City, because

he talked about how they're sort of parasites on New York City.

I mean, he's very, very clear about that.

He's very explicit.

He says, you know, that there you know, there are all these structural

welfareists, social derelicts at liberty to breed children. And he talks about how much

it costs the good taxpaying New Yorker to subsidize these people. And he also, the other part of

his major part of his platform was not having civilian review boards for

the police. And of course he detests James Baldwin. He's very suspicious of Martin Luther King.

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