Summary
Famously photographed stuck on a zipwire, Boris Johnson is now attempting the tightrope. Unless he falls off, the pollsters suggest, he will alight in four weeks’ time in Downing Street. Perhaps understandably, he is trying to limit the number of buffetings to which he subjects himself in the meantime. Buffetings, however, continue. While it may be fascinating to voyeurs that he apparently spilled wine on a sofa and had a crockery-smashing row with his partner, is that really important? The Boris backers said this was politically-motivated, Corbynista curtain-twitching. The neighbours defended their actions, saying they recorded the proceedings out of genuine concern and passed the audio to The Guardian in the public interest. But was it? How much, if anything, do we have a right to know about a domestic quarrel involving a potential PM? How, indeed, should we balance the competing rights of public figures to a private life and of citizens to know about those in power over them? What about the value we place in moral character itself? It could be argued that honesty in small things is no small thing – as Abraham Lincoln said: “I am not bound to win, but I am bound to be true”. These days however, politicians should be judged, many insist, not on the content of their character, but on the merits of their manifestos. Yet, paradoxically, it has become a commonplace of Twitter that political foes are attacked not for having bad ideas but for being thoroughly bad people. So what is the relationship between virtue and effectiveness? Is the requirement for moral character in politicians overrated or overdue?
Producer: Dan Tierney
Transcript
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| 0:00.0 | You're listening to a program from BBC Radio 4. |
| 0:04.6 | Good evening. Politics is a tough business. Boris Johnson may be just one step away from Downing Street, |
| 0:10.3 | but he's currently homeless, having been forced to flee his girlfriend's flat after last week's |
| 0:15.2 | all-to-public bust-up made it the focus of left-wing demonstrations. It could be worse, his great-grandfather, also an ex-minister and journalist, |
| 0:24.1 | bidding for power in post- First World War Turkey, |
| 0:27.2 | was kidnapped at his barbers, handed over to the mob, |
| 0:30.8 | strung up in a tree and stone to death. |
| 0:33.3 | Perhaps the lesson is not to get your haircut. |
| 0:36.1 | This latest episode, in what the papers archly describe as Boris's colourful private life, |
| 0:41.2 | has reignited ages-old questions about the privacy of public figures |
| 0:44.8 | and whether we, who have to judge who is best fitted to lead us, |
| 0:48.3 | have a right to know what they get up to out of the limelight. |
| 0:51.4 | In this, as in everything else these days, we seem totally divided. One side argues |
| 0:55.7 | that if somebody is unfaithful and mandatious in private, they'll be untrustworthy in public office. |
| 1:02.0 | The other produces a long list of famous philanderers we regard as great statesman, Lloyd George, |
| 1:07.0 | Franklin Roosevelt, John Kennedy, Nelson Mandela. Leadership is not an ethical beauty contest. |
| 1:12.9 | It's about effectiveness, not virtue, they say. |
| 1:16.2 | How important is moral character in politicians? |
| 1:19.4 | How good does a leader need to be? |
| 1:21.9 | That's our moral maze tonight. |
| 1:23.1 | The panel, the priest and polemicist, Giles Fraser, |
| 1:25.7 | Mona Siddiqui, professor of Islamic and interreligious Studies at Edinburgh University, the historian Tim Stanley and the writer on feminism and political commentator Ella Weillan. |
... |
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