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🗓️ 6 February 2024
⏱️ 45 minutes
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0:00.0 | I think the Iranians view the Shia military groups as a much more tactical solution, |
0:11.0 | vice a strategic one. |
0:14.0 | I would argue that the Iranians have less command and control over the Houthis than probably |
0:20.0 | any of their other proxy |
0:21.8 | groups. If you look at even the weapons inventories that the Iraqi militants have and the |
0:28.4 | Shia militants have in Syria, they're not close to saying what Hezbollah has. |
0:33.6 | Hey, welcome back to the Modern War Institute podcast. I'm John Nambl, editorial director at |
0:38.3 | MWI, and on this episode, I wanted to discuss something that for months now has been a growing |
0:43.2 | feature of the security landscape of the Middle East, Iran's network of proxy groups. |
0:49.2 | The Houthi movement has been launching attacks against international shipping in the Red Sea. |
0:53.3 | Observers have watched |
0:54.2 | for signs of Hezbollah involvement in the ongoing Israel-Hamas conflict, and militant groups |
0:59.0 | in Syria and Iraq have been targeting U.S. forces. All of these groups have relationships |
1:04.3 | with Iran. To explore those relationships, their nuances and their differences, and U.S. policy |
1:10.4 | regarding this constellation of Iranian |
1:12.7 | proxies, I'm joined today by Jonathan Panikoff. He spent years in key positions in the U.S. |
1:18.2 | intelligence community, including serving as the Deputy National Intelligence Officer for |
1:22.4 | the Near East at the National Intelligence Council, and he is now the director of the Skowcroft |
1:27.2 | Middle East |
1:27.7 | Security Initiative at the Atlantic Council. His experience and deep knowledge of the Middle |
1:32.8 | East make him the perfect guess for an important discussion on Iran's use of proxies. |
1:37.8 | Before we get to that discussion, a couple notes. First, if you're not yet subscribed to the |
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