He sees this as a moment of a test of integrity of character, his dad standing a thwart history,

yelling stop, right? Which is funny to borrow that conservative terminology, because actually

mid-Romney, I think, inherited from this experience, a distrust, a suspicion of movement conservatism,

right? Right. Always existed outside of it, whether it was in the 1960s with the rise of the

radical riot of the Goldwater Republicans, or, you know, right now, and with the rise of the

Protra-Mander Republicans, he is, like you said, he's a conservative, but when it manifests in this

right-wing populist movement, he's repelled by it, and he exists, he's afraid of it in some way.

I mean, mid-Romney is repelled at a cellular level by populism with any kind.

That's clear. That's part of what's happening, too.

He has this riff, I've said it a hundred times to me, but, you know, for every question, there's

a populist answer that is popular and wrong, right? He is. He's not a populist figure, but

there's something specific about right-wing populism, and especially in this Trump era. I think

he sees in the rise of Donald Trump an echo of what his dad went through.

Yeah, and yet he made his pact with it. He made his own pact with the devil in 2020-2012,

and, of course, he did the event with Trump quite famously, and he had to court that right-wing,

right? He had the advisors who taught him, you know, you need to start reading the national review.

You have to start paying attention to what Fox News says. You need to learn the language

of the right so you could try to win them over.

Okay, welcome back. We'll get into more than that mid-Romney. By the way, if you, the right-wing

populist will always give you an answer that's popular and wrong. I'd like to match up

our policy beliefs with mid-Romney's. One of the reasons we're in this financial debacle is

mid-Romney's been one of the big promoters of Biden. He's one of the collaborators.

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