You talk really eloquently about making internationalism material, right?

Because it happens now on such an abstract level.

There's really not much material solidarity between people.

But you talk about the connection between migrant workers say working in

West London and these struggles that are happening both in in Europe and also in South Asia

and how in the process of an insurrection these are actually tools that we can

imagine you know workers from one country communicating with workers from

another and trying to reorganize production. Yeah and I think at the moment in this kind of COVID time as well, I mean, it's you really can

have discussions with your workmates about, you know, what is essential, what is bullshit?

And you can have a discussion about, you know, the fact that, you know, fact that you

three hours a day would be enough so what does that mean you know

I think if you look at the insurrectionist part of the left or also the

communization part of the left or also the communisation part of the left by the fact that they say okay there is no transition period

I think they shy away from talking about revolution as a fairly pragmatic practical question where you can say,

okay, in this moment of time, we need a radical reduction of, you know, working day by a takeover and only that would enable us to tackle the bigger social problems like, you know, climate change, international uneven development and all that.

But the first step is to just kind of let everyone work three hours a day and have time for

you know social creativity and debate. But that's a yeah it's a power question how can you enforce that

Yeah, you know going back to the nitty gritty of how we're going to take back the world.

The brass test.

One thing I really appreciate about your work

is you're very honest about just how difficult

a global communist revolution would be to pull off across

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