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It's March 1969 in Washington, D.C.

In the headquarters of the U.S. Department of Justice, federal prosecutor Richard Schultz steps out of an elevator

and begins making his way to the Office of Attorney General John Mitchell.

It's a big day for Schultz. He's only 30 years old, but already he's risen to become a high-level federal prosecutor.

Still, Schultz has even higher ambitions. And if he can win over the Attorney General today, he could find himself in charge of one of the most important trials of the decade.

Last August, thousands of protesters descended on Chicago for the Democratic National Convention.

The man organizing the rally claim it was meant to be a peaceful demonstration against the Vietnam War, but Schultz knows that's a lot of hot air.

He was in Chicago the week of the convention and saw firsthand how demonstrators were clashing with Chicago police.

In the end, Schultz was left with only one conclusion. The protesters had come to Chicago to launch a violent revolution.

The skirmishes did finally come to a close and the police were able to restore order in Chicago. But Schultz has no intention of letting these activists off the hook.

So in a few moments, Schultz is going to ask the Attorney General to authorize an indictment.

He wants to prosecute eight of the radical activists involved in last summer's riots.

And now that President Nixon has taken office and Mitchell is at the helm of the DOJ, Schultz believes the time is right.

But more important, Schultz believes that prosecuting the activists will send a powerful message to America's counterculture, reminding these burnouts and hippies that they can oppose the war, but they will be held accountable for committed crimes.

Schultz and his boss step into Mitchell's office and find the Attorney General sitting behind his desk surrounded by a sea of scattered documents.

Ah, come on in. Please have a seat and I'm sorry for the clutter. I've got a little unpacking still to do. Just haven't had much time to breathe.

Schultz nods and sits down in a leather armchair. No apology necessary, sir. I'm here to make your life easier. Oh, is that so? Well, please go ahead. You can start by putting those documents in the cabinet behind you. And I could use a coffee.

Sir, I'm just horseing around, Schultz. All right, let's get down to business. You're here because you want to charge the guys in Chicago, right? Yes, sir. I've spent the last several months investigating the riots. We believe we have ample evidence. All right, what's the case?

The plan is to charge eight of the organizers with conspiracy. We'll also charge six of them with crossing state lines to inside a riot. And for two of them separately, we'll charge them with teaching others how to make and use incendiary devices.

Okay, well, those are the legal charges, but we have to think about how this plays as a narrative. What happens when these guys take the stand and say they're just innocent protesters being persecuted by a new Republican administration?

Well, frankly, sir, that position isn't going to matter once the jury sees the evidence. We have undercover agents who will testify that the protesters had the intent to cause chaos and destruction. They were not there to march for peace. Well, that much might be obvious to us.

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