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The John Batchelor Show

#SCOTUS: Another look at the Voting Rights ACT of 1965 and the Court of 2023. Richard Epstein, Hoover Institution.

The John Batchelor Show

John Batchelor

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4.52.8K Ratings

🗓️ 17 June 2023

⏱️ 14 minutes

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#SCOTUS: Another look at the Voting Rights ACT of 1965 and the Court of 2023. Richard Epstein, Hoover Institution.
https://www.hoover.org/research/enduring-confusion-voting-rights-act

Transcript

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0:00.0

This is CBSI in the World. I'm John Bachelors, the Supreme Court Decision at the

0:06.7

Allen versus Milligan involving the Voting Rights Act and the Alabama constituency

0:13.5

obliged by the Supreme Court Decision now to redraw the congressional districts in a way

0:20.6

that brings in the Voting Rights Act and also interpretation through several cases since

0:26.6

the 1960s. Richard Epstein, a senior fellow at the Hoover Institution, teaches law at NYU

0:34.2

and the University of Chicago, writing for Hoover in defining ideas, looking at Allen versus

0:40.8

Milligan from the point of view, my conclusion, of a case in 1986, five to four, the majority

0:48.1

written by Justice Brennan, Thornberg versus Gingles. Richard, a very good evening to you,

0:54.8

as I understand it, the Thornberg versus Gingles case was determinative of the way this case

1:01.1

was decided. Having to do with what is necessary in order to redraw congressional districts on

1:08.1

the basis of groups, groups, and there were three standards, if I understand Thornberg,

1:15.0

Gingles set up. One is that it has to be geographically consistent. In other words, the second is that

1:21.5

there has to be a political cohesion. And the third that the group on the other side is well

1:28.9

represented. In other words, not likely to be elbowed aside. If I understand those three groups,

1:36.1

the question now, do they apply to Allen versus Milligan? A very good evening to you, Professor.

1:41.4

Yeah, well, it turns out I think pretty clearly they do. There were several arguments about this and

1:47.6

this has to be, I think, first put into perspective. The original voting wise act of 1965 was going

1:55.5

after a very big target. And what it tried to do is to make sure that people would be systematically

2:00.9

excluded from the polls, how to write the vote. And they succeeded magnificently in getting the

2:06.9

level of registration up. And then by 1982, when the problem is much less serious than it was in 1964,

2:15.0

there was a second tier question, which is how do we organize the districts assuming that everybody

2:20.1

has equal access to the vote? This is a much more difficult question to solve. But the political

...

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