Nonviolence is Violence Too (Pt. 2): We're All In the Gunk
Rev Left Radio
Breht O'Shea
4.8 • 3.6K Ratings
🗓️ 28 May 2026
⏱️ 100 minutes
🧾️ Download transcript
Summary
In this episode, Breht is joined by writer, intellectual, and poet Too Black to discuss his essay "Nonviolence is Violence, Too (Part 2)—We're All in the Gunk." Together, they critically examine the liberal mythology of "nonviolence" as a pure moral alternative to violence, arguing instead that all movements operate within conditions already structured by state, colonial, racial, and imperial violence.
Drawing from the Black freedom struggle, Ghana's independence movement, Kwame Nkrumah, Martin Luther King Jr., Malcolm X, the Black Panther Party, Gandhi, Indian independence, riots, armed resistance, and the "positive radical flank," Too Black shows how so-called nonviolent movements have often depended on the threat, presence, displacement, or redirection of violence in order to win concessions.
Rather than offering a simplistic celebration of violence, this conversation asks us to think more honestly about power, confrontation, sacrifice, propaganda, state repression, and the real historical conditions under which oppressed people struggle to breathe beneath the boot. At its core, this is a discussion about what movements actually do, how victories are actually won, and why peace is not the absence of conflict, but something that must be fought for.
Listen to our previous discussion on Part 1 of Too Black's essay here: https://revolutionaryleftradio.libsyn.com/nonviolence-is-violence-too-somebodys-gotta-die
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Transcript
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| 0:00.0 | Hello everybody, welcome back to Rev Left Radio. On today's episode, we have back on the show recurring guests, one of my favorites, two black, to talk about part two of his essay, nonviolence is violence too. Part one was called Somebody's Got to Die. This one is subtitled, we're all in |
| 0:22.9 | the gunk. There are two parts of basically a singular essay that dialectically examines the |
| 0:29.1 | relationship between nonviolence and violence, the violence of your opposition, strategic |
| 0:34.2 | violence in your same movement, the violence inherent in the state and the need to |
| 0:39.5 | defend any gains you may have with the state, the need to appeal to the state in certain instances, |
| 0:45.8 | etc. So really complicating the false binary of nonviolence versus violence, not naively arguing |
| 0:53.2 | for one over the other. I think, you know, |
| 0:55.3 | perhaps if you were just to read the title or just kind of make an assumption, you might think, |
| 0:59.0 | oh, they're arguing for violence over nonviolence, not at all. He's contextualizing nonviolence |
| 1:03.4 | in a violent concrete situation that already exists and navigating the relationship between |
| 1:09.4 | nonviolent movements, |
| 1:11.4 | nonviolent electoral strategies for socialism, |
| 1:14.4 | whatever it may be, |
| 1:15.6 | into the broader context that violence is always there. |
| 1:18.7 | Violence is in the state. |
| 1:19.9 | Violence is in your opposition. |
| 1:21.6 | Violence is in the ability to defend, you know, |
| 1:25.2 | your position ultimately or any gains that you may have made, |
| 1:28.6 | etc. So I think it's just a really serious, deep way of thinking about these problems that |
| 1:34.3 | rejects the false binary and approaches these things dialectically, which is, you know, |
| 1:39.1 | incredibly important. And we end this conversation at the end of it with a discussion on |
| 1:42.7 | what this means for actual organizing, what this means for how we carry ourselves as socialist, as communist, as anti-imperialist, with regards to other aspects of the left ecosystem, as it were, and just how you actually appeal to people. |
... |
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