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🗓️ 18 November 2024
⏱️ 67 minutes
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As they had done up to this point, the British continued to try to find a diplomatic solution to the crisis, even as the opportunities shrank before their eyes. Amidst warnings pinged between London and Berlin that under certain circumstances, their respective neutrality could not be guaranteed, the German Chancellor sent an ill-advised appeal for the British to stay out. The effort was likely influenced by the atmosphere of panic then building in Berlin, owing to news of Russian preparations.
As the scales were falling from the eyes of those that had always insisted on Russian neutrality, Bethmann Hollweg created headaches for himself with his explanation of German policy. Germany would not harm the Dutch, nor take any French territory. But what of French colonies, and what of Belgium? To this, Bethmann could make no promises, and here was perhaps his greatest error in the crisis. It seemed small on paper, but for those in Britain eager to weigh in on the Entente side, Bethmann's dishonourable bargain was just what was needed to raise suspicions against Berlin, and undermine the anti-war party.
They needed such German errors, because the British Cabinet remained divided and incredibly suspicious of any foreign entanglements. Though high profile agitators like Grey, Churchill, Asquith and perhaps Lloyd George worked in the background, the British public were against joining the war. Some Cabinet members longed for the opportunity to test their support in Parliament, perhaps even collapsing the government, but Grey would never let it get that far. He kept quiet and non-committal, even as time was drawing near for Britain to declare itself.
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0:00.0 | In summer 1914, the world went to war. |
0:04.6 | Now 110 years later, we go back to those figures, to those debates, to those questions, |
0:12.2 | in the greatest failure in the history of diplomacy. |
0:16.3 | I am Dr. Zach Twomley. You're listening to When Diplomacy Fails. |
1:00.9 | And this is the July crisis. At 3pm a note came from Asquith, ordering the precautionary period. |
1:02.0 | This we did. |
1:05.7 | I don't know why we are doing it, because there is nothing moving in Germany. |
1:06.8 | We shall see. |
1:10.9 | Anyhow, it is more like business than I expected of this government. |
1:18.2 | The British Army's Director of Operations, Sir Henry Wilson, remarks on the curious atmosphere, |
1:21.0 | 29th of July 1914. |
1:29.0 | Another day, another enormous episode examining Britain and the July crisis. |
1:36.0 | While the main event of the 29th of July was unquestionably the Austro-German-Russian axis, |
1:40.4 | it would be a mistake to ignore the implications of this eventful day for Britain. |
1:46.5 | By now, we have seen the British contributions to the crisis, authorised by Sir Edward Gray, aiming at diplomatic resolution. You could argue Gray had not gone far enough in attempting |
1:52.3 | to bring the powers together, but he had by no means been idle. The four-power mediation scheme |
1:58.0 | was first born in London, but it would soon be added to the |
2:01.2 | Halt in Belgrade idea suggested by the Kaiser the previous day. |
2:05.6 | A hybrid approach to the core problem of the crisis, Austro-Russian competition, seemed like |
2:10.9 | the best possible option. |
2:13.3 | But Gray had his own problems, not least of which was a divided cabinet, most of whom were fundamentally |
2:18.8 | opposed to British intervention in the war. This fact informed Gray's language. He could not |
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